The March 26 session of the Iraqi parliament, which was held on the agenda of presidential election, could not proceed due to lack of a quorum. For the election of the president at least votes of the two-thirds of the 329 members of the Iraqi parliament is required, but in the March 26 session only 202 members were present in the parliament.
There is an unwritten law in Iraq that the president is elected from among Kurdish candidates, the prime minister from among the Shiites and the speaker of parliament from among the Sunnis. Election of a president by parliament is the first step in forming a government in Iraq. About 40 candidates are currently vying for presidency. The current Iraqi president, Barham Salih of the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan, and Riber Ahmed Barzani, the interior minister of Kurdistan from the Kurdistan Democratic Party, are the two main candidates for presidency.
The Shiite Coordination Framework (with 88 delegates), which holds a total of 133 seats in the parliament with the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (with 19 delegates) and the opposition Halabusi and Khamis al-Khanjar, due to opposition to the presidency of Riber Ahmed, the candidate supported by Sadr Movement, Barzani and al-Sayyada, did not attend the recent parliamentary session.
Waad Qado, one of the leaders of the Coordination Framework, in an interview with Baghdad Al-Youm, stated: Riber Ahmed is a separatist and Mossad mercenary whose positions are known and we will oppose his appointment in the parliament.
Ahmed Abdul Hussein, a member of the Fatah coalition (one of the most important groups in the Coordination Framework), also stressed that Riber Ahmed’s candidacy for the presidency by the tripartite coalition (Sadr-Barzani- al-Sayyada) is part of the efforts to normalize Iraq’s relations with the Zionist regime. He reiterated: There are cases and evidence available about Riber Ahmed that confirm his connection with the Zionist regime and the United States.
Various Iraqi parties and movements, from the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan to the Fatah Coalition, etc., believe that support of some foreign parties for the presidency of Riber Ahmed is an important step in strengthening efforts to normalize relations with the Zionist regime. The main reason for the opposition of the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan to Riber Ahmed is precisely because of his efforts to normalize Iraq’s relations with the Zionist regime.
At a glance, what has so far made the process of forming a government in Iraq a “long and controversial” process; is affected by two categories of internal and external factors. On the one hand, the differences between the “Sadr Movement” and the “Coordination Framework” that have created a bipolar atmosphere in the Iraqi Shiite movement, and on the other hand, the internal differences between the “Patriotic Union” and the “Democratic Party” acts as an internal barrier to government formation.
Regarding foreign obstacles, we should also mention the stakeholders, including the United States, the Zionist regime, and some countries in the region, which have made the process of forming a government difficult by playing a “destructive” and “fraudulent” role. The available evidence shows that the United States seeks to form a government contrary to the national interests of Iraq, and in this regard seeks options that, with their presence at the head of the Iraqi government, guarantee and consolidate interests of the United States and its regional allies.
Overall, it seems that there are overt and covert factions inside and outside Iraq that do not allow the process of forming a government in Iraq to be facilitated and accelerated in a way that it will be in the interests of the Iraqi people.
In the media and political circles of the region, efforts are being made to introduce the non-formation of the Iraqi government mainly as a result of Shiite-Shiite differences. Although this is somewhat correct in some respects given Muqtada al-Sadr’s monopolistic behavior, it should not be seen as a major obstacle to government formation.
Failure to form a government in Iraq, which results in “political uncertainty” in the country, is an issue that Americans benefit most from it. This has led the US security and intelligence active elements in Iraq to keep Iraq as “stateless” as possible by fomenting internal strife, especially within the Shiite House. Because such a situation is a great opportunity for American political, security, and military exploits in Iraq.
Regarding the possible consequences, political currents in Iraq, including the Shiites, should pay attention to the fact that any delay in the election of the president and prime minister and introduction of the cabinet ministers will have important security and political consequences for Iraq, which could re-enter the country into a new wave of security and political crises, including the resurgence of the threat of terrorism through activation of dormant ISIS cells and strengthening of the presence of foreign forces, including the Americans.
At the domestic level, continuation of political uncertainty and prolongation of the process of forming a government, even in a situation where Iraq is facing various problems in the field of economic, social issues, etc., can lead to intensification of economic and social crises and thus spread instability and insecurity; a situation that is the best breathing space for terrorist elements and groups and a favorable ground for the continued presence of foreign military forces.