The results of the local elections in Turkey can be analyzed in different ways. Most of all, what attracted the media attention was the failure of the Justice and Development Party to win two important seats in the municipalities of major cities, namely Istanbul and Ankara, and seemed to have overshadowed the overall outcome of the election to some extent.
Although the administration of these two cities is very important and has political weight, and Erdogan himself has had the experience of running the two cities in the past decades, it cannot be said that the ruling AKP has failed in the municipal elections. In fact, the overall outcome of the election is in favour of the AKP, but Erdogan’s expectations and plans were not fulfilled for victory in Ankara and Istanbul. Even months before the election, he asked Parliament Speaker Binali Yildirim to quit the Grand Assembly and prepare himself for the important post of Istanbul mayor, a post considered very important by Erdogan. This has even caused differences among the AKP which has called for a recount of the votes in the city.
In other regions, the election outcome has not been the same for the three main groups; First, the AKP which managed to win a significant number of votes thanks to publicity programs and taking advantage of the cross-border security atmosphere. But the turning point of the election was an increase in the number of AKP votes in the Kurdish regions where the People’s Democratic Party was very confident in gaining more votes. Thus the number of votes the Kurdish party gained this time was less than the previous election.
This can be seen as a gesture of support for the AKP in Kurdish regions and may prepare the conditions for more publicity by the ruling party to benefit from the opportunities in the upcoming elections. If we notice changes in the social, economic, and cultural programs of the AKP towards the Kurds of Turkey in the months and years ahead, we should not be surprised. Earlier, Erdogan had broken the taboo to attract the vote of the Kurds.
Therefore, it is possible that with the easing of the security atmosphere inside Turkey, Syria and Iraq, the policy of the ruling party towards the Kurds of Turkey would change by increasing economic welfare in order to win their votes. Along with the AKP, the National Movement Party (MHP) continues to work in coalition with the ruling party. Erdogan strives to maintain the MHP support by maintaining lines of nationalism. Nevertheless, there is a possibility of a challenge to the plans of the ruling party and the MHP.
Second is the Republican People’s Party, the main rival of the Justice and Development Party, which was able to make an important achievement during the election and received welcome particularly in major cities. The success of this party in Istanbul has attracted the most attention because the support of Istanbul Kurds, which has a large population, was effective in the party’s success. Of course, the Republican People’s Party did not have a coalition with the Kurdish Democratic People’s Party.
Therefore, municipal elections for the Republican People’s Party is the starting point where Party Leader Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu will try to challenge the AKP’s serious and objective agenda in the upcoming parliamentary elections, something which will be a matter of concern for the AKP. Of course, Kılıçdaroğlu cannot miss the co-optional opportunities of other parties in the upcoming elections because it views its party as a serious competitor. However, it should be noted that Erdoğan and his party are skilled in creating new opportunities for sustaining power.
Third, the People’s Democratic Party, which failed to maintain its previous position in the municipalities. The presence of the party leader in prison, the existence of intense political pressures and constraints against the party members and the division and differences of opinion among the party supporters have been effective in reducing its votes due to concerns about the security of the political and economic environment. If the People’s Democratic Party fails to rebuild for future elections, the number of their parliamentary seats may also drop.
What attracted more attention in these elections was the increase in the number of votes of Justice and Development Party in the most important Kurdish cities, and this has worried the People’s Democratic Party about their position.
Generally speaking, municipal elections, despite the relative success of the Justice & Development Party, exposed challenges between political parties and groups.
Perhaps, Justice and Development Party will be more preoccupied with the failure in Ankara and Istanbul, which has raised concerns about the decline of the AKP in these cities. Some have described this as a sign of the beginning of the decline of authoritarianism of the AKP and the person of Erdogan.
In the meantime, to what extent the rival parties, in particular, the Republican People’s Party can prepare social platforms on the path to more critique of the ruling party, is effective in the future status of the AKP and in creating challenges for it. But since Erdogan within the Strategy 2023 scheme, which coincides with the 100th year of the founding of the Republic of Turkey, aims to promote Turkey’s economic position, he will work to improve the economic conditions and social welfare so that the AKP will remain in control of the state affairs.
However, the economic situation and the problems of an economic recession may strip Erdogan and the Justice and Development Party of the opportunity for domestic and foreign movements and perhaps the alarm has been sounded for the AKP. Nonetheless, it should be noted that Erdogan is an innovative and promising player and director and will try not to let the playing ground fall into the hands of his rivals.
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