Economy & Security: Connecting Links between Turkey and Persian Gulf States

2024/06/29 | Economy, Note, top news

Strategic Council Online - Opinion: Since 2000, Turkey has gradually shifted its foreign policy from the "Looking East" approach to the more traditional "Looking West" foreign policy. The most important reasons for this change in the structure of Turkey's foreign policy were the developments in Iraq, the Syrian crisis, and Ankara’s failure to become a member state of the European Union. In addition to the above, the influence of people like President Erdogan and Davutoglu (former PM) on the change in Turkey's foreign policy has been undeniable.

Dr. Mohammad Mehdi Mazaheri – university professor

 

In this regard, in the last two decades, Turkey has been pursuing higher influence in the West Asian region. A policy whose most important goals and reasons can be called “energy factor,” “the need to create economic mobility in Turkey,” and “turning into an active player in West Asia.” In this regard, from one point of view, providing domestic demand for energy and transferring energy to Europe has caused Turkey to pursue increasing interdependence with the oil-rich countries of the Persian Gulf. To achieve this important goal and secure other goals and interests, Ankara officially entered this field in 2008 by signing a strategic political, economic, and security agreement with the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council. It concluded an agreement with the Persian Gulf countries that is unique in its own way. It was considered the first strategic pact between the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council and other governments.

After the conclusion of this treaty, due to its close relations with Iran and the United States’ activity in the Persian Gulf region, Turkey did not immediately act to play a military and political role in the region. Still, it tried to be a silent beacon of its relations and influence in the region’s countries.

In 2014, Turkey and Qatar signed a security-strategic agreement, according to which Turkey set up a military base in Qatar. About 3000 ground forces, air force, navy, and trainers were also stationed in this base. Also, in 2017, after the sanctions against Qatar by Saudi Arabia and its allies, in addition to Turkey’s economic aid, this country deployed a new military force in Qatar to show Ankara’s military support for Doha. In 2018, Qatar gave Turkey about $15 billion in financial aid.

In 2020, negotiations between Turkey and Oman began on various issues, including military cooperation and the possibility of Turkey setting up a naval base in Oman. Negotiations that are taken to mean Turkey’s attempt to increase its influence in the Sea of ​​Oman, the Persian Gulf, and even Yemen. Turkey’s presence in this region has been rising in recent years due to the historical bilateral relations between Oman and Turkey, and various reasons can be listed for it. Oman’s strategic location and natural resources are Muscat’s main attraction for Turkey. On the other hand, Turkey’s military and industrial facilities, the convenient location for energy transfer to Europe, and the growing economy have made the Persian Gulf countries, including Oman, willing to develop cooperation between the two sides. Based on this, the key point regarding Turkey’s foreign policy in the Persian Gulf that should be noted is that the military-security approach of Turkey does not interfere with the economic and development-oriented approach of this country, and the reason for this is the special attention of the Turkish authorities to reducing tension when it is high; Turkey has always prioritized the economy-oriented approach in its relations and has never sacrificed its economy for security-political issues. The proof of this claim is Turkey’s policy towards the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia, with whom Ankara has important political-ideological differences, especially in areas such as Egypt, Libya, and Syria. In this regard, after a period of tension and war of words, since 2020, by making a shift in its foreign policy, Turkey has started a series of diplomatic measures to repair its relations with the Persian Gulf countries, especially Saudi Arabia and the UAE. Since then, the country has signed contracts worth billions of dollars with the regional states, including Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates.

Following the reduction of the United States military presence in the Persian Gulf region (from 2021), Turkey has defined a broader role for itself in regional equations and has established extensive cooperation with influential actors in the Persian Gulf region with long-term goals. In the latest move, Turkey signed an agreement in March 2024  to start negotiations to finalize the Free Trade Agreement (FTA) with Persian Gulf Cooperation Council members. “This agreement allows the trade of goods and services between these countries, facilitates investment and trade, and increases their commercial relations. In fact, the recent free trade agreement between these countries will lead to the creation of one of the key free trade areas in the world, between Turkey and the members of the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council. According to the Turkish authorities its economic value will be 2.4 trillion dollars.

In this regard, not only Turkey seeks to solve its economic problems through these agreements and the development of relations, but the Arab countries of the Persian Gulf also seek to attract Turkish assistance for the development of local industries and technology transfer in their vast effort to diversify the economy and reducing dependence on oil. This issue affects the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran. First of all, considering the historical approach of Turkey and the Arab countries of the Persian Gulf region, these countries seem willing to create a strategic balance against the Islamic Republic of Iran by developing relations between them. Although, in recent years, these countries have shown the green light for developing relations and de-escalating tensions with Iran, at the same time, they are interested in creating many opportunities and options for their foreign relations in the region, and this is an alarm bell for Iran’s active role in economic, political and security equations of the region.

Another important point is that in recent years, Iran’s regional rivals, especially Turkey and the Persian Gulf countries, have tried more than ever to create a precise and efficient balance between their security and economic policies and their political goals and advance their political-security goals so that there is no harm or threat to their economy, technological growth, and tourism industry.

It seems that this is the procedure that all developing countries, including those eager for progress and transformation in the world, are moving towards. If the Islamic Republic of Iran takes a different path, it will gradually become a loser and underdeveloped actor.

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